Category: Analysis

  • Nigeria’s War Within: Why Force Alone Can’t Defeat Insecurity

    Nigeria’s War Within: Why Force Alone Can’t Defeat Insecurity

    November 2025

    As Nigeria prepares to inaugurate a new Minister of Defence, General Christopher Musa, recently pulled from his position as Chief of Defence Staff, the appointment highlights a familiar pattern: leadership reshuffles and reconfigurations of the security architecture that have so far failed to address the nation’s deepening insecurity.

    Despite record defence budgets and years of military operations, Nigeria’s war against insurgency, terrorism, and violent crime remains far from won. Behind the official rhetoric of “decisive action” and “renewed hope,” the figures tell a sobering story: the country is spending more on security than ever before, yet becoming less safe.

    An Internally Displaced Persons’ (IDPs) camp in Benue State

    Between May 2023 and April 2024, at least 614,937 Nigerians were reported killed in violence linked to insecurity, according to data from the National Bureau of Statistics and independent research groups. Amnesty International estimates that more than 10,000 people were killed in the northern states alone during that period. Villages have been razed, farmers displaced, and highways turned into hunting grounds for kidnappers.

    For 2025, the Federal Government earmarked ₦6.57 trillion for defence and security, nearly equivalent to the combined budgets of education, health, and agriculture. Yet insecurity persists. From Boko Haram’s remnants in the northeast to bandits in the northwest and separatist militias in the southeast, violence has become a permanent feature of daily life.

    Nigeria’s insecurity cannot be solved by military might alone. “Nigeria’s security crisis is systemic, not merely operational,” a recent Counter-Insurgency and Anti-Terrorism Plan notes. “You can suppress conflict with soldiers, but you cannot kill an idea, or desperation, with bullets.” The country’s challenges go beyond insurgents and bandits; they are rooted in economic inequality, governance failures, and social exclusion, problems that no army, no matter how well-funded, can solve.

    The Price of Peace Without Justice

    Decades of economic inequality, corruption, and exclusion lie at the heart of the crisis. Wealth and resources are concentrated in the hands of a few, leaving large portions of the population marginalized. Communities excluded from decision-making or denied access to the country’s resources often turn to violence as a form of protest.

    Other forces exacerbate the problem: mass illiteracy, youth unemployment, religious manipulation, and climate-induced displacement. Across northern Nigeria, desertification has swallowed farmland, forcing herders southward and triggering deadly clashes with farmers. In the mineral-rich central states, illegal mining networks, sometimes backed by foreign interests, have transformed into armed militias.

    The insecurity is not merely a question of security operations; it reflects a broader governance failure, where political neglect, corruption, and impunity have created fertile ground for violence to thrive. Without addressing these structural issues, any attempt to suppress insurgency with force alone will remain temporary.

    Spending More, Achieving Less

    Nigeria’s defence spending has ballooned over the past four years: ₦966 billion in 2021, ₦1.2 trillion in 2022, ₦1.38 trillion in 2023, and now ₦6.57 trillion in 2025. Yet insecurity has worsened. World Bank data shows that the country’s military expenditure has risen faster than that of many African peers, without a corresponding reduction in violence.

    Bigger budgets have meant more equipment, more contracts, and more commissions, but not necessarily more safety. Observers note that the country continues to fight the same war with the same tactics, expecting different results. High-profile military campaigns have occasionally neutralized specific threats, but the absence of complementary development and governance reforms has allowed insecurity to regenerate.

    A New Strategy for a Broken Nation

    Recognizing that force alone cannot deliver security, the counter-insurgency plan advocates a multi-dimensional approach that blends immediate security measures with long-term social, economic, and governance reforms. It is founded on the principle that lasting peace requires both containment of violence and addressing the root causes of unrest.

    A central feature of the plan is the proposed Geopolitical Security and Development Summit. This high-level forum would bring together the Presidency, service chiefs, and state governors to coordinate priorities, share intelligence, and integrate human capital development into security planning. By aligning national and sub-national efforts, the summit aims to create a cooperative framework in which security operations respond to local realities rather than operating in isolation.

    Education, rural empowerment, and healthcare are reimagined as tools of national defence rather than afterthoughts. By addressing poverty, unemployment, and social exclusion, the plan seeks to reduce the vulnerabilities that violent actors exploit. Economic opportunities, skill development, and access to services strengthen communities, making them less susceptible to recruitment by insurgents, bandits, or criminal networks.

    Complementing this is a Stakeholders’ Summit involving religious leaders, traditional rulers, youth organizations, and civic groups. The forum is intended to promote interfaith dialogue, encourage conflict resolution at the community level, and empower citizens to take part in building peace. By fostering trust between communities and the state, the summit aims to prevent minor disputes from escalating into large-scale violence.

    The plan emphasizes a shift in mindset: security is not just the absence of attacks but the presence of justice, opportunity, and inclusion. “Peace cannot be sustained through force alone,” it stresses. “It must be built on trust, understanding, and shared values.” Military interventions may suppress violence temporarily, but without addressing structural weaknesses, the gains remain fragile.

    Reforming the Fault Lines

    Several structural reforms are prioritized in the plan. Modernizing animal husbandry is one key step, including regulated ranching and strict enforcement of anti-open-grazing laws, paired with economic support for pastoralists to prevent marginalization.

    Illegal mining, now a major source of funding for armed networks, is another critical target. The plan calls for a nationwide crackdown, formalizing artisanal mining into regulated cooperatives while reclaiming illegal mining corridors with security support.

    Central to all reforms is restoring the rule of law. Impunity has become a pervasive issue in Nigeria, where political influence often shields offenders. The failure to prosecute crime erodes public trust and perpetuates violence. “A nation that does not punish crime inevitably rewards impunity,” the plan notes, emphasizing accountability as a cornerstone of sustainable security.

    From Force to Fairness

    At its core, the strategy envisions a paradigm shift in how Nigeria approaches security. True national security is not measured solely by military victories or the neutralization of threats; it is reflected in the ability of citizens to live without fear, access opportunity, and trust their government.

    Political instability compounds insecurity. A culture of “do-or-die” elections fuels tension, undermines institutions, and perpetuates violence. Ensuring credible, peaceful elections is essential for creating a foundation on which sustainable security can be built.

    The fight against terror and insurgency, the plan argues, will not be won solely in forests or creeks but in classrooms, farms, and courtrooms, where education, justice, and economic opportunity can finally triumph over despair.

    “The time has come for Nigeria to prove that it can not only defend its territory but also heal its society,” the plan concludes.

    Dahiru Ali: Journalist, academic, writes on governance, national security, and development policy. He is passionate about evidence-based reform and inclusive approaches to peacebuilding in Nigeria.

  • Is Nigeria Beginning to Shut Down?

    Is Nigeria Beginning to Shut Down?


    By UGO ONUOHA

    The prospects for the future wellbeing of this country, Nigeria, are not looking good, the pretenses of our rulers to the contrary notwithstanding. And this is not about its distant future. It’s about the near future. Nigeria is rapidly deteriorating from not working to falling apart.

    The assertion that the country is not working is a notorious fact, but the claim that it is falling apart could be treated as crying wolf. It may not be out of place if we reassure ourselves that we have been at the precipice on more than one occasion in the past.

    The country was barely seven years old from independence when it was plunged into a fratricidal civil war during which millions of lives were lost in the space of three years, 1967–1970. Some commentators, rightly or wrongly, regard that civil war and the events that preceded and precipitated it as the beginning of genocide on the Igbo, a significant nation inside this country.

    Others, especially from the side of the victorious Yoruba nation of the southwest region, Hausa, Fulani and other minority nations of the northern region, regard the war as a necessary conflict to Go On With One Nigeria (Gowon). Yakubu Gowon, now in his 90s, was the military head of state who led the triumphant federal side.


    History Written by the Victors

    The dominant history of any war, which also passes as the authentic one, is usually written by the victors and their collaborators. So it has been with the Nigeria–Biafra war.

    The victors claim that between 200,000 and 300,000 people died on the Biafran side, but the victims put the figure at between 2,000,000 and 3,000,000 deaths. The victors say that one of the events that snowballed into the bloody war — the January 1966 military coup — was plotted and selectively executed by the ultimate losers, wherein their (victors’) military and political leaders were gruesomely murdered.

    The victors’ collaborators, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), was in overdrive to propagate and perpetuate the falsehoods. Fifty-five years since that war, the BBC has not relented. It has become more sophisticated, more daring, and more demonic. Its record at distortion and baiting genocide is in public sight.

    Some British taxpayers who fund the corporation and prominent politicians have seen through the evils of the BBC and are now demanding that it be scrapped. The BBC may yet get its deserved comeuppance if the U.S. President, Donald Trump, delivers on his vow to sue that corporation for billions of dollars.

    The BBC had reportedly interviewed Trump and then fiddled with his responses to convey a different message and portray the American leader in poor light. It’s the corporation’s stock-in-trade. It has been begging Trump for forgiveness ever since. It has sacked at least two of its top executives, including the CEO. Thus far, Trump, who revels in court litigations, appears implacable.

    If Trump sues for defamation and wins billions of dollars, that could help to quickly bury the BBC and erase the evil the corporation represents. In spite of whatever some people might think, the world will surely be better for it. If Nigeria is unravelling for the worse, the fingerprints of the BBC have been on it from the beginning.


    The Signs of a Failing Nation

    There’s no doubt that Nigeria is seriously beginning to shut down after many years of protracted abuse by insiders and outsiders. The unravelling has been noticeable since 1960, and even before.

    The signals were obvious at the various negotiations and constitutional conferences that led to self-government at different times for different regions of this country. They were there when some of the country’s founding fathers from the north made violent vows to dip the Koran in the ocean and to ensure that the emergent country became the estate of their forebear, Uthman Dan Fodio.

    The Fulani hegemons also boasted that they would never allow the infidels of the southern regions to rule over them, and the minorities in their midst in the north to be in control of their own destiny.

    The signs were there when elections were rigged, violence unleashed, and politicians induced to cross carpet in the southwest to stop a victorious non-son of the soil from forming and heading the regional government in Ibadan.

    The schism led to the dislocated non-indigene moving to Enugu, his ethnic base, which ensured that the premiership of the defunct eastern region was wrestled from a minority politician to accommodate the returnee ‘big man’. Bad blood started spreading.


    A History of Ignored Warnings

    The January 1966 military coup and the July 1966 counter-coup, and the acrimonious killings that ensued, were clear signs that the Nigerian construct or project was a sham. “Araba,” the violent chant of the separatist agitators of the north, was unheeded.

    Historically, elements from the north were the first to demand the dissolution of Nigeria. Indeed, they did not want independence when it happened. It’s instructive that the British were reportedly the people who persuaded the north to remain in the federation, which was structured to favour them.

    In the period that “araba” lasted, an opportunity to deal with a fractured and flailing federation was lost.

    Before independence in 1960, the man who saw tomorrow, Obafemi Awolowo of the Yoruba stock, had vigorously canvassed for a very loose federation, but Nnamdi Azikiwe, the pan-Nigerian, Pan-Africanist, and incurable optimist, argued to the contrary.

    Given what has been happening in this country for so many years, it would be hypocritical to argue that the jury is still out on whose vision would have served this now-benighted country better.

    The bestiality of the civil war and the scorched-earth tactic in punishing the losers, and in the sharing of the booties by the winners, were also markers that all was not well. We papered over the cracked walls and pretended to be moving on.

    When, after the war, the slogan of “reconciliation, reconstruction, and rehabilitation” failed to materialize, we shrugged our shoulders and moved on in the belief that the defeated people should pull themselves up by their bootstraps.

    It would be their misfortune if they couldn’t, and didn’t. We probably were convinced that we had perfected the act of ignoring iniquities and inequities and the structural defects of the federation. In reality, we were stacking the odds against building a nation out of a country.


    The Chickens Coming Home to Roost

    Now it should be obvious that the chickens are coming home to roost. Tragedies have become the byword for our country.

    In the 1980s, a celebrity journalist and columnist, the late Dele Giwa of the National Concord newspaper, and later Newswatch magazine, which he co-founded, wrote an opinion article in which he said that Nigerians had become “unshockable.” And to think now that those were the years of innocence.

    Today Nigerians are inured to shock, with the lived experience of multiple tragedies of monumental proportions every day.

    This is a peek into the picture of our country in the last week, and not every tragedy was reported or captured.

    A serving general in the armed forces and three of his men were captured and executed by terrorists in Borno State on Friday, November 14; 64 people, including women and children, were abducted by terrorists in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State on Saturday, November 15.

    The next day, Sunday, November 16, 25 female students and their principal were abducted from their school in Maga, Kebbi State, by terrorists. The vice principal was shot and killed.

    Soon after, terrorists invaded a Christ Apostolic Church (CAC) in Eruku, Kwara State, killing two worshippers and abducting 38 others. The terrorists are reportedly demanding ₦100 million for each of the abductees.

    Elsewhere, one policeman was killed by terrorists in Geidam, Yobe State; eight members of a civilian security taskforce were killed by terrorists and three others abducted in Gwoza, Borno State; terrorists abducted 15 persons, including four nursing mothers and babies, in Sabon Birni in Sokoto State. Two persons were killed by the terrorists in that operation.

    Back in Kwara State, terrorists killed four rice farmers in an attack in Edu; and on Friday, November 21, terrorists invaded St. Mary’s School, a private Catholic college, in Papiri, Niger State, and abducted more than 300 pupils, students, and staff.


    The Looming Abyss

    This past week could be the worst in terms of insecurity in our country thus far. But the likelihood is that it could get worse.

    The American president has been threatening to use the military to attack Islamist terrorists in Nigeria, who he accused of committing genocide on Christians. He repeated the threat last weekend, and he has reportedly gotten approval from Congress to do whatever pleased him in that regard.

    Now imagine this scenario: Islamist terrorists increase the spate of kidnapping Christians and non-fundamentalist Muslims, who they would use as human shields against American drone strikes if the situation deteriorates further.

    In effect, the expectation of a spike in abductions — as is beginning to manifest presently by sectarian terrorists — should not be treated as far-fetched or as a red herring.

    Nigeria is unravelling, and the prospects are foreboding. The situation will not be helped by the position of Nigeria’s president, Alhaji Bola Ahmed Tinubu, that he is depressed by the country’s worsening security situation.

    He was not installed in the presidency to throw up his arms in seeming surrender and to leave citizens to the devices of terrorists and sundry violent non-state agents of evil.


    Ugo Onuoha is a veteran journalist, former Managing Director/Editor-in-Chief, Champion Newspapers Ltd, columnist, and public affairs analyst. His works often explore governance, power dynamics, and civic accountability in Nigeria’s evolving democracy. He writes from Lagos.

  • The Misuse of “Genocide” in Nigeria’s Public Discourse

    The Misuse of “Genocide” in Nigeria’s Public Discourse

    Contextualizing The Horrific Killings in Nigeria Within The International Convention Against Genocide

    By Wale Alonge

    Since President Donald Trump’s 2020 threat to “invade Nigeria” to stop what he called “the targeted genocide of Nigerian Christians by Muslims,” the term genocide has gained sudden, viral currency across Nigerian social media. It is now used casually, cavalierly, and often without any understanding of its historical roots or the international legal framework that defines it.

    When such a morally charged word is used loosely, it dilutes its moral and legal force — and makes enforcement far more difficult in genuine cases of genocide. That is why it is critical to define and apply it precisely, something sorely lacking in Nigeria’s public conversations.

    It is deeply ironic that the same President Trump who refuses to describe the state-sponsored mass killing, starvation, and displacement of Palestinians in Gaza as genocide was so quick to use the word for Nigeria’s communal violence.

    I am a Christian, so this is not a case of a non-Christian downplaying the killings of Christians. There is no doubt that many Nigerian Christians have been victims of murderous attacks by Islamist jihadist groups — often targeted specifically in their houses of worship. Only yesterday, reports emerged from Kwara State of Christians being slaughtered and kidnapped in church.

    But so have Muslims — indeed, in larger numbers according to widely available data — including many attacked in mosques. These killings are largely random, carried out by non-state insurgents and criminal militias using hit-and-run, opportunistic tactics, often also targeting government forces. There is no demonstrated element of state-sponsored intent to destroy a protected group, which is central to any credible genocide claim.

    What “Genocide” Actually Means

    The word itself derives from the Greek genos (“tribe” or “race”) and the Latin caedere (“to kill”). Polish lawyer Raphael Lemkin coined it during World War II, and in 1946 the United Nations General Assembly first recognized genocide as an international crime. It was later codified in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.

    Article II of the Convention defines genocide as any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group:

    • Killing members of the group
    • Causing serious bodily or mental harm
    • Deliberately inflicting conditions of life aimed at destroying the group
    • Imposing measures intended to prevent births
    • Forcibly transferring children to another group

    The most difficult and crucial element is intent. Genocide requires a proven intention to physically destroy a protected group — not merely to displace it, weaken it, or target individuals for other reasons. This “special intent” (dolus specialis) distinguishes genocide from other international crimes.

    Nigeria’s Reality

    Every innocent life unjustly taken is one life too many. Nothing in this analysis minimizes the suffering of Nigerian Christians killed or displaced by jihadists or murderous Fulani militias that have devastated farming communities — particularly in the Middle Belt — through cycles of violence stretching back decades.

    But as horrific as these crimes are, to call them genocide is to misapply the term. The Genocide Convention arose from the ashes of the Holocaust — the targeted, systematic, state-orchestrated extermination of millions of Jews by Nazi Germany. That context matters.

    Nigeria’s insecurity is a grave humanitarian crisis, but not one that fits the legal or moral definition of genocide. The danger in misusing the word lies not just in linguistic carelessness, but in the erosion of its power to mobilize international justice where it is most needed — in places where governments, not bandits, plot the destruction of entire peoples.

    If we are to confront Nigeria’s violence meaningfully, we must name it for what it is: terrorism, mass atrocity, and state failure — not genocide. To do otherwise cheapens both the suffering of the victims and the gravity of one of humanity’s most serious crimes.


    Adewale Alonge, PhD, Founder & President, Africa Diaspora Partnership for Empowerment and Development. www.adped.org, writes in from Dadeland, Miami, Florida, USA.


  • Trump’s Threat of Military Attack: Tinubu Should Not Kiss the Ring

    Trump’s Threat of Military Attack: Tinubu Should Not Kiss the Ring


    By

    Wale Alonge

    Here is my take on President Trump’s recent bombastic threat of military action against Nigeria — supposedly to stop alleged targeted killings of Christians, a narrative that is largely unsubstantiated.

    There is little doubt that Trump, from intelligence briefings, knows the claim that Nigeria is complicit or inactive in these killings is false. So why is he spreading it and using it to justify military threats?

    For any foreign-policy analyst, the pattern is familiar. When facing domestic political crises, Trump’s playbook is to create or amplify external crises to distract and confuse. With a paralyzed U.S. government, tanking poll numbers, and mounting legal pressures, he is overwhelmed. A foreign-policy provocation aimed at Nigeria — especially one framed to appeal to the religious-right wing of his base — serves his domestic political objectives.

    Trump’s foreign policy is erratic, incoherent, and often driven by immediate domestic political calculations. Many within the U.S. State Department and national-security apparatus learn of major policy shifts only after seeing his social media posts, with little prior consultation or deliberation.

    Nigeria has now found itself in the eye of Trump’s foreign-policy hurricane. Dealing with it is like having a wasp land on one’s scrotum: ignoring it risks an excruciatingly painful bite, while overreacting risks collateral damage. One thing that gets under Trump’s skin is being ignored. Yet, dealing with this effectively requires strategic calm — the sort of tactical ignoring and discreet consultation exemplified by China’s Xi Jinping. President Tinubu would do well to adopt a similar approach.

    If Tinubu rushes to Washington to perform public obeisance, he risks a humiliating scene — a “Zelensky-style” dressing down staged for global cameras. The correct response is measured diplomacy, careful consultation, and a focus on protecting Nigeria’s sovereignty and interests.

    There is precedent.

    In December 2020, Trump designated Nigeria a “Country of Particular Concern” (CPC), a designation reversed under Secretary of State Antony Blinken in 2021. Aside from timing, little is new in this round of bombastic declarations. Trump’s posture is meant to bolster his domestic credibility, distract from U.S. political crises, and highlight U.S. discomfort with Nigeria’s emerging role in Africa and its increasing engagement with China and other partners. At the same time, a small but vocal cottage industry of Nigerian actors benefits from amplifying the narrative of state-sanctioned attacks on Christians.

    Domestic political undertones are also present. The controversy over Tinubu’s Muslim-Muslim ticket remains exploitable as Nigeria prepares for the 2027 presidential elections. External claims of religious persecution can be repackaged and used as leverage in internal political contests.

    Bottom line

    Tinubu must handle this “crisis” with calm, deep contemplation, and strategic subtlety — not with reactive gestures driven by social media hype. The Trump “wasp” has landed on Nigeria’s scrotum; it requires careful, skillful handling to prevent pain and collateral damage. High-profile displays of subservience or panic will only serve Trump’s domestic political interests. Quiet diplomacy, joint fact-finding, and engagement through ECOWAS and the African Union remain the best tools to defend Nigeria’s dignity and national interest.

    Adewale Alonge, PhD, Founder & President, Africa Diaspora Partnership for Empowerment and Development. www.adped.org, writes in from Dadeland, Miami, Florida, USA.

  • The ShopRite empty shelves video: a critical economic analysis

    The ShopRite empty shelves video: a critical economic analysis


    By

    Wale Alonge

    Executive Summary
    This paper critically examines the viral video of empty shelves in a ShopRite outlet in Abuja, which has been used to portray the Tinubu administration as a failure. While the imagery is powerful, it is also misleading. The reality is more complex: Nigeria is undergoing painful but necessary structural reforms. The removal of subsidies and the floating of the naira are painful adjustments that have reduced purchasing power in the short term, but they are essential for long-term economic stability. The ShopRite example highlights not only the immediate consumer pain but also the structural shifts in Nigeria’s
    retail market. Foreign chains that relied on subsidized imports are struggling, while local retailers with lean supply chains are thriving. The empty shelves therefore reflect business model weaknesses, not a national collapse. Early signs of recovery are visible: prices are stabilizing in local markets, indigenous retailers are expanding, and investors are returning. Manufacturing hubs are growing in some states, though regional disparities remain. Osun State, for example, has not yet embraced industrial transformation, unlike Ogun. The key lesson is that Nigeria is restructuring, not collapsing. Consumer welfare improvements will lag behind macroeconomic gains, but those who focus only on pessimistic narratives risk missing the opportunities of tomorrow. Nigeria remains a high-risk, high-return economy—where timing is everything.

    Introduction

    A recent video showing empty shelves at a ShopRite outlet in Abuja has gone viral, fueling political narratives about the failure of the Tinubu administration. While the imagery is striking, a critical analysis reveals that such interpretations are simplistic and misleading. To understand the reality, we must situate the event within Nigeria’s current economic reforms, market dynamics, and the ongoing structural transition of the consumer sector.

    Macroeconomic Context: From Coma to Recovery

    The Nigerian economy inherited by the Tinubu administration was, by every measure, in a state of near collapse. To use a medical analogy, it resembled a patient in intensive care, requiring painful but necessary interventions to prevent imminent death. The removal of fuel subsidies and the floating of the naira—two of the administration’s most significant reforms—are comparable to chemotherapy: painful, disruptive, and producing visible side effects, but ultimately essential to restoring long-term health. Unsurprisingly, Nigerians—particularly the middle class—have experienced a sharp decline in purchasing
    power. Just as a patient undergoing chemotherapy loses weight and hair, households are enduring a period of painful adjustment as the economy recalibrates.

    Retail Market Dynamics: ShopRite vs. Local Competitors

    ShopRite’s struggles, dramatized in the viral video, are not merely the result of national economic decline. Rather, they highlight the competitive pressures in Nigeria’s retail sector. Large foreign-owned chains like ShopRite, which previously relied on subsidized foreign exchange to stock imported goods, now find themselves disadvantaged. By contrast, indigenous retailers such as FoodCo, with leaner operations and localized supply chains, are thriving. Their agility and narrow focus enable them to adapt quickly to shifting economic conditions. In consumer markets, as in nature, the aging lion often loses its pride to younger and more nimble challengers.

    Empty ShopRite Shelves, Ikeja Mall, Lagos

    Media Narratives and Political Spin

    It is important to interrogate the motives behind viral media content. The ShopRite store shown in the video bears the hallmarks of a “going out of business” outlet: empty shelves, no staff, and no customers. It is less evidence of national collapse than of a particular company’s strategic failure. To present this as a proxy for Nigeria’s overall economic
    trajectory is intellectually dishonest and politically motivated.

    Early Signs of Recovery

    Despite the pain of adjustment, evidence suggests that Nigeria is slowly turning a corner. Prices in local markets such as Bodija are beginning to ease. Indigenous retailers are expanding, with FoodCo opening new outlets and reporting brisk business. Along the Lagos–Ibadan expressway, new manufacturing warehouses are springing up, signaling renewed investor interest. The return of global investors—previously deterred by currency volatility and profit repatriation challenges—underscores that reforms are beginning to restore confidence in Nigeria’s business environment.

    Regional Economic Disparity

    One worrying dimension, however, is the uneven pace of regional economic transformation. While Ogun State is positioning itself as a manufacturing hub, other Yoruba states, notably Osun, remain overly dependent on the public sector. Without deliberate policies to foster industrial growth, such states risk falling behind in Nigeria’s new economic order. Beyond the concern our our economy, the country faces a more existential threat to its future. Our youths all across the country, but especially in the Yoruba urban centers are getting hooked on “paraga,” addictive alcohol delivered in fancy colourful sachets and other hallucinogens. We are losing our youths and our future to drugs and no one seems to be concerned about or doing something about it

    Lessons from the Past and Future Outlook

    It is worth recalling that the Jonathan administration benefited from a mini oil boom, yet much of that windfall was squandered on subsidies and currency manipulation. By contrast, today’s reforms aim to address structural weaknesses, even if they impose short-term costs on households. As economic theory and experience both show, improvements in consumer welfare often lag behind macroeconomic indicators. Investors who wait for the “feel-good” factor to materialize may miss the window of opportunity. It is like buying an IPO after it has peaked and the early investors have harvested the early bird payoff. In five years Nigerians, especially those in the diaspora who has their stations permanently tuned to the doomsayer will find out too late that the cost of entry into the Nigerian economy has become too prohibitive.
    Nigeria remains a high-risk, high-return environment, where timing is everything.

    Conclusion
    The viral ShopRite video is less an indictment of Nigeria’s economy than a case study in corporate mismanagement amid structural reforms. While suffering is undeniable and challenges remain, the trajectory is one of painful but necessary adjustment. For investors and policymakers alike, the lesson is clear: Nigeria is not collapsing—its economy is restructuring.
    Those who focus only on the bearers of bad news risk missing the opportunities of tomorrow.

    Adewale Alonge, PhD, Founder & President, Africa Diaspora Partnership for Empowerment and Development. www.adped.org, writes in from Dadeland, Miami, Florida, USA.

  • From zero to net exporter: Nigeria, NLNG reshaping global supply

    From zero to net exporter: Nigeria, NLNG reshaping global supply

    Dr Philip Mshelbila, Managing Director of NLNG, calls for global cooperation to tackle methane emissions and accelerate climate action.

    By: Desmond Ejibas

    For decades, Nigeria has been a key player in the global oil and gas industry, essentially due to its massive reserves as well as exploration and exportation capacity.

    When stakeholders converged recently on Milan, Italy, for the Gastech Exhibition and Conference, it was an opportunity for the Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas Limited (NLNG) to present its robust initiatives, including the deployment of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in bolstering efficiency.

    At the conference, which attracted more than 50,000 participants from 150 countries, NLNG and NNPCL showcased sweeping reforms, bold strategies, investments, and future ambitions plans designed to sustain the Nigeria’s status as a net exporter of natural gas.

    In its submissions, Nigeria said it was leveraging artificial intelligence, methane abatement, workforce development, and massive investments to reposition it as a global gas powerhouse reshaping global supply chains.

    Mr Olakunle Osobu, Deputy Managing Director of NLNG, told a panel session that AI had become central to operational excellence, safety, and productivity across the company’s infrastructure.

    “With more 10,000 operators and technicians working simultaneously towards a common goal, the use of AI is not only imperative but compulsory.”

    He explained that AI had been embedded into every aspect of NLNG operations, from safety protocols to machine performance, making the company more efficient, agile, and productive.

    “Our standard is to improve everything we do, every day,” he said.

    Highlighting workforce training breakthroughs, Osobu disclosed that AI-driven tools had cut operator training time from up to 12 months to just two or three months, improving productivity and reducing costs.

    According to him, AI optimises equipment management, enables machines to function faster while generating actionable insights that simplify complex decisions.

    He described the shift as “smart work over hard work”.

    Osobu stressed, however, that the company’s technology team regularly reviewed deployments to ensure cost-effectiveness and demand-driven application.

    More so,  Dr Philip Mshelbila, Managing Director of NLNG, called for global cooperation to tackle methane emissions and accelerate climate action.

    Speaking at another panel, Mshelbila described methane as more than 80 times more potent than carbon dioxide, with a 12-year atmospheric lifespan, making its reduction a fast-track climate solution.

    He said fossil fuel emissions arose from coal mining, flaring, venting, fugitive releases, and incomplete combustion, all requiring targeted mitigation strategies.

    Mshelbila identified prevention, detection and measurement, and intervention as the three pillars for combating methane emissions across the energy sector.

    He explained that prevention required designing facilities to minimise leaks, detection relied on advanced monitoring, while intervention focused on reintegrating otherwise wasted gas into systems.

    “NLNG has reduced Nigeria’s gas flaring by more than 40 per cent since inception 26 years ago. Methane is energy, provided it is kept in-pipe.

    “We have invested in detection, measurement, monitoring, and reporting systems to manage methane emissions,” he said.

    Mshelbila said NLNG had joined the Oil and Gas Methane Partnership and was working towards Gold Standard certification, with a new boil-off gas compressor set for inauguration.

    He announced that the company would soon inaugurate a boil-off gas compressor to reintegrate methane that would otherwise be flared.

    According to him, inclusive frameworks, access to finance, and technology-sharing are crucial for smaller operators to adopt advanced methane abatement systems.

    On supply, Mr Nnamdi Anowi, NLNG’s General Manager of Production, said that the company was shifting towards third-party gas sourcing following International Oil Companies’ divestments.

    “Today, 75 per cent of our feed gas comes from third-party suppliers; by October, we expect our second tranche, ensuring adequate supply into 2026 and 2027.”

    Anowi highlighted Africa’s energy poverty, with 60 per cent of the population lacking access, stressing that affordable gas could transform the continent into a global manufacturing hub.

    “What happened in Nigeria when power availability improved can happen across Africa.

    “With energy, industries thrive, jobs are created, and production shifts to the continent.”

    He described Nigeria as a ‘gas-rice nation with largely untapped offshore reserves,’ stressing the importance of infrastructure and investment to unlock them.

    “The Federal Government has rolled out incentives for offshore gas exploration and production.

    “This is where LNG plays a critical role, delivering energy to the parts of Africa that need it most,” Anowi said.

    He confirmed NLNG’s six-train capacity of 22 million tonnes per annum, with Train 7 under construction to expand output by 30 per cent, despite utilisation averaging 60 per cent in recent years.

    Anowi reaffirmed NLNG’s commitment to combating energy poverty and spurring industrial growth in Africa.

    Dr Sophia Horsfall, NLNG’s General Manager, External Relations and Sustainable Development, addressed workforce development, citing global projections of 14 million new energy jobs by 2030 and a 60 per cent reskilling need.

    She said NLNG’s graduate trainee and professional programmes were designed to bridge digital, renewable, and sustainability skill gaps while embedding purpose, creativity, and hybrid work flexibility.

    Horsfall explained that trainees underwent structured mentorship, rotations, buddy systems, overseas placements, and innovation-driven initiatives such as hackathons and coding clubs.

    “NLNG’s attrition rate remains lower than industry averages. Our young professionals are motivated and engaged because we deliver on our promises,” she said.

    She added that the company had embedded climate priorities into job descriptions while building ESG leadership capacity from staff to board level.

    At the opening plenary, Mr Bayo Ojulari, Group Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd.), said Nigeria was targeting 60 billion dollars in fresh investments.

    He said the plan was to raise natural gas production to 12 billion cubic feet per day, and crude oil output from 1.6 million barrels to three million barrels daily by 2030.

    Ojulari highlighted major projects including the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline, the Nigeria-Morocco Gas Pipeline, and NLNG expansion projects covering Train 7 and future Trains 8 and 9.

    He said Nigeria already supplied 60 per cent of LNG to Portugal and Spain, while driving LPG adoption and a Compressed Natural Gas transition scheme for vehicles and machinery.

    “Geopolitical shifts such as the Russia-Ukraine war have accelerated regional pipeline projects to strengthen energy security; Nigeria is ready to play a central role,” Ojulari said.

    He noted that the Petroleum Industry Act of 2021 had transformed NNPC into a limited liability company, enabling global partnerships and direct funding.

    In addition, the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources (Gas), Mr Ekperikpe Ekpo, reaffirmed Nigeria’s commitment to using its 210 trillion cubic feet of gas reserves to drive industrialisation.

    Ekpo said Train 7 would boost NLNG’s output to 30 million tonnes annually, while Nigeria pursued regional pipelines with Morocco, Algeria, and Equatorial Guinea to expand connectivity.

    “Our natural gas is the bridge to renewables, and the anchor for developing countries like Nigeria to avoid being left behind in the global energy transition,” he said.

    Sen. John Owan, Minister of State for Industry, said Nigeria’s new strategic framework targeted raising industry’s share of GDP from 10 per cent to 25 per cent by 2035.

    He said the framework, validated under President Bola Tinubu, marked a turning point, shifting Nigeria from a resource-based to a productive and innovative economy.

    Owan highlighted Tinubu’s reforms, including petrol subsidy removal and exchange rate unification, which had stabilised markets and attracted new investment interest.

    “Nigeria is more of a gas-based country than an oil country; our energy policy is grounded in resources and long-term development goals,” he said.

    Mr Olalekan Ogunleye, NNPC’s Executive Vice President, said the company was revising Nigeria’s gas master plan to position the country as a sustainable global supplier.

    He cited the Atlantic Gas Pipeline with Morocco to connect 16 African economies, while also supporting gas-based industries to generate jobs and attract investors.

    “This is the best time to invest in Nigeria. Opportunities are vast, and the environment is ready,” Ogunleye said.

    Oil and gas experts say Nigeria’s participation at Gastech 2025 underscores its ambition to emerge as a leading global energy hub.

    Desmond Ejibas writes for the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN)

  • LG Autonomy Must Become Nigeria’s 1964 Civil Rights Fight

    LG Autonomy Must Become Nigeria’s 1964 Civil Rights Fight

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration will be remembered—for good or ill—for its bold systemic reforms: the removal of fuel subsidy and the floating of the Naira. But perhaps the most consequential, destiny-shaping, and legacy-defining reform is the pursuit of local government autonomy.


    Sadly, its importance is largely unappreciated. We live in survival mode. Nigerians worry about what to eat today, not about distant reforms whose benefits may not be seen tomorrow. Fuel subsidy removal and naira floating shook people at the existential level; hence they dominate the headlines. But local government autonomy—though quieter—has the potential to change Nigeria’s governance forever.


    The Bold Supreme Court Route


    Unlike subsidy removal, which Tinubu casually announced in his inaugural speech, he knew local government autonomy could not pass through the legislature. As a former governor, he understood the enormous grip governors hold over senators and representatives. Any such bill would have been dead on arrival. He therefore chose the unconventional but brilliant route—through the Supreme Court. That singular move reveals how monumental the reform is.


    Governors Will Not Give Up Without a Fight


    Across Nigeria today, governors are doing everything possible to frustrate implementation. They will not give up their honeypot fiefdoms without a titanic fight. Local government allocations are their oxygen, their war chest, their piggy bank.
    Osun State shows us how consequential this struggle is: the government and opposition are locked in a fight-to-the-finish over who controls local government funds. Neither side can afford to lose. Only the suffering masses lose.
    Governors in Nigeria are among the most powerful people on the continent. They are political Santa Clauses, distributing patronage to the loyal and punishment to dissenters. Even powerful cultural organizations such as Afenifere and Ohaneze tread carefully—they too want their share of the goodies. Nobody dares to fall into the bad books of a governor.
    This is why only a handful of so-called “crazies” and “knuckleheads” dare to take them on. But truth be told, the battle for local government autonomy is not a fringe struggle—it is our collective struggle.


    Nigeria’s Civil Rights Moment


    Just as Black Americans in 1964 rose to demand their civil rights against systemic denial, Nigerians must rise to demand true local government autonomy. This is our civil rights moment.
    Why? Because local government is the only tier of government closest to the people. It is where the school roofs collapse, where rural roads decay, where health centers go without medicine, and where farmers are either empowered or abandoned. Without local government autonomy, development remains centralized in the hands of governors who dictate winners and losers.


    Community Efforts Are Not Enough


    In Ijesaland, we have set up a Local Government Monitoring Committee. It is a commendable step, but let us be honest: such committees are like trying to stop a raging elephant with needles. They lack constitutional power to enforce accountability. Governors and their parties control who contests local elections, and unsurprisingly, they always win in landslides. Community monitoring is better than nothing, but it cannot uproot entrenched abuse.


    Freedom Is Never Given Freely


    Let us be clear: governors will never willingly surrender control of local government allocations. Asking them to do so is like asking a pig to abandon its muddy pond. It will not happen voluntarily.
    To wrestle power away requires nothing less than a civil rights–style movement. Freedom is never handed down. It must be fought for, demanded, and seized.
    If Nigerians are serious about grassroots development, accountability, and true democracy, then we must treat local government autonomy as our 1964. Afenifere, COYN, and other activist communities can help mobilize, but the power must come from ordinary Nigerians who refuse to be shut out of their own governance.


    Conclusion


    Tinubu may have taken the boldest step by going through the Supreme Court. But without citizen action, governors will suffocate the reform. This fight is not about Tinubu, APC, or PDP—it is about the people versus the political elite.
    Local government autonomy is not just another policy tweak—it is the foundation of genuine democracy and development in Nigeria.
    The governors will not give it up.
The people must rise up and take it.
This must become Nigeria’s 1964.

    Adewale Alonge, PhD, Founder & President, Africa Diaspora Partnership for Empowerment and Development. www.adped.org

  • President Trump’s visa revocation policy against Nigerians

    President Trump’s visa revocation policy against Nigerians

    A bullying tactic in an incoherent geopolitical game of Throne

    Wale Alonge

    It is beyond ludicrous, the reason purportedly given by the US consular office for the recent revocation of visas already issued to Nigerians. When did Nigeria and Nigerians become a national security threat from which America and Americans must be protected?

    In term of contribution to America’s economy as measured by GDP, number of patents, contribution to technological innovations, to academia as measured by number of published articles in reputable academic journals and numbers of leading professionals in critical areas to American economy from medicine and health care delivery, to the finance and fintech sector, to academia and many others, Nigerians rank among probably the top three of all immigrant community in the USA.

    Like his Tariff policy, President Trump is weaponizing immigration and visa issuance as retaliatory tools in pursuit of his incoherent foreign policy agenda and enemy list.

    With the warm embrace between Presidents Lula of Brazil and Tinubu during his recent state visit, Nigeria and Nigerians should be prepared for more visa revocation and other retaliatory policy measures. Brazil has become enemy number one for Trump and he Trump seeks to interfere in Brazil’s domestic policy in the court case against its erstwhile dictator wannabe Trumpian Bosenario.

    Additionally Brazil is one of the arrowheads of BRICS which Nigeria has signified interest in its membership.

    What President Trump is underestimating in his blunt and bullish use of American power, is the power of national power and pride. It was on full display in his now iconic Oval Office verbal brawl with seemingly weak, outmatched and cornered Ukrainian President Zelensky who stood up boldly to Trump and his tag team refusing to subject Ukraine national pride to bullying by Trump.

    Read Also: Visa War: FG explains stances as US slams tighter measures

    Trumps’s Visa crackdown linked to Nigeria’s refusal to house asylum seekers

    Nation states have almost inexhaustible elastic pain tolerance when it comes to defending their national pride and sovereignty. It is the only logical reason Ukraine is still standing against all odd from Russian bombardment just like Great Britain did against Nazi German bombardment during world war 2.

    Trump will soon learn like other bullies that the game is over once you stand up to them. President Trump needs to know that diplomacy is a very nauced delicate game of carrot and stick, overuse either of the two, you lose.

    In the words of incomparable Maya Angelou

    You can revoke Nigerian visas. You may even impose punitive tariff. You may trod us in the very dirt
    But still, like dust, Nigeria Will rise.

    Sadly for America, a country that I love and to whom I have pledged my loyalty as a naturalized citizen for decades, while not forgetting or abandoning my Nigerian roots, Trump’s policy is not advancing American wider foreign policy objective. Rather it is weakening and dissipating the deep well of friendship, goodwill and loyalty from its many allies across the globe and pushing them into the waiting embrace of its most potent competitor for global dominance, China. We are seeing that on display as India, Russia and China are engaged in full romantic embrace for the whole world to see.

    Our collective hope is that this mind numbing season of anomie in US global reputation would not do so much damage that it is becomes almost unrecoverable.

    Adewale Alonge, PhD, Founder & President, Africa Diaspora Partnership for Empowerment and Development. www.adped.org

  • NGF Investopedia to kick-start inclusive growth

    Resolves to hold investment clinics for government-to-government and business-to-government matching in Q3 and Q4 of 2025 and into 2026

    Money, a development banker once told an audience, goes to where it is welcome. It was a gathering of state governors and representatives who had assembled at the dawn of the Fourth Republic to listen to experts and top technocrats deliver a lecture on the 101 of how to woo investment into their states. As we will admit, investment, whether foreign or domestic has become the proverbial golden fleece hotly sought after by governments worldwide. So it happens that in Nigeria, while successive presidents traverse country capitals to hold court with leaders of nations and the men with investment capital, state governors with foresight and the competitive edge make effort to make their domain attractive for investment. Over time, these states have been graded into various categories like ‘most investor friendly states, ‘states with the ease of doing business’ and other similar classifications that have been adopted to advertise the sub-nationals to the investing public.

    Several factors account for the heightening quest to woo investment into their domain by leaders at both national and the sub-nationals.  Like the rest of the world, Nigeria faces growing economic difficulties brought on by the aftereffects of COVID-19 pandemic, increased geopolitical tensions in the Middle East and Europe, and pressure on global supply lines occasioned by the Trump tariff war. Nigeria’s economy, which depends mostly on primary produce, is particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change, especially extreme weather events. While Nigerian economic growth has demonstrated some degree of tenacity in the face of these obstacles, the global economy has been reluctant to adjust to the difficulties. Despite its great expansion, Nigeria’s economy has not been able to significantly raise the typical Nigerian’s standard of living.

    NGF Investopedia

    Negative opinions about the country’s business climate further impede this robust economic growth. The growing sense of stability about the country’s economic trajectory is a well-deserved narrative that truly captures the positive outcome of the economic policies of the Federal Government.  It is against this background that the launch, tomorrow of an Investopedia by the Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF) becomes a revolutionary intervention that will radically open access to information on Nigeria’s sub-nationals.

    It was asserted in a statement by Yunusa Tanko Abdullahi, the NGF Director of Media and Strategic Communications that, among other reasons, the Investopedia is to quickly narrow the gap between Nigeria’s untapped potential and global capital. Accordingly, he stated that the NGF Investopedia is a comprehensive platform designed to spotlight investment opportunities across the country’s 36 states. In his words, the event “will make a high-profile affair which will underscore the initiative’s ambition.”

    The event will create a platform where Governors from all 36 states will showcase priority projects, while a ceremonial Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signing will formalise partnerships and lay the building block for the NGF Fund, Mr. Abdullahi said. To underscore the significance of the event, Olayemi Cardoso, the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) shall deliver a keynote to provide sovereign backing, reinforcing the platform’s legitimacy.

    Investors from outside Nigeria, ambassadors, and due diligence experts from Afreximbank, MOFI, UNDP Cavista and the Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission (ICRC) will participate, with the event culminating in the distribution of the Investopedia to development finance institutions (DFIs), embassies, and private capital desks investment and business multi-sectoral business communities.

    Why Investopedia?

    Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation, has long grappled with barriers to investment at the state level. Frequent government transitions create uncertainty, while poor project visibility and weak preparation deter potential backers. Despite trillions in global pension funds, sovereign wealth, and development capital waiting to be deployed, the absence of a trusted mechanism has left many viable projects on the shelf because “Nigeria lacks a trusted, coordinated vehicle to efficiently absorb and deploy this capital,”

    Publishers say Investopedia is a flagship biennial publication that curates multi-sector projects, from infrastructure to agriculture, complete with data-driven analyses, policy incentives, and market insights. More than just a glossy compendium, it is envisioned as a ‘one-stop shop’ for investors – available in high-quality print and as a dynamic digital platform for matchmaking and transactions, hosted by the NGF. It is designed to attract international investor interests and amplify Nigeria’s appeal on the world stage, hitting key forums like the Intra-African Trade Fair in Algeria, the UN General Assembly in New York, and the Africa Investment Forum in Morocco.

    Quick gains

    Investment capital is essentially a ubiquitous but highly coveted commodity available only to sovereign entities that truly deserve it. Above all else, investment capital has the greatest phobia for risk. With recent plaudits for the management of the Nigerian economy from both local and international observers, a lot more attention shall refocus on investment opportunities in the country.

    Further, the launch of the NGF Investopedia shall be handy to provide tenable narratives on persistent challenges such as low investor confidence and fragmented entry points, the initiative promises to transform how subnational projects attract funding, positioning Nigeria as a coordinated and credible destination for high-impact investments.

    An engaging future

    Mr. Abdullahi, in the statement under reference said the publication of Investopedia represents an international push that aims to “position the NGF as a credible investment conduit,” showcasing not just opportunities but practical pathways for engagement. He announced that the strategic goals are clear and multifaceted, all aimed at positioning the NGF as an interface with global investors, institutionalising subnational visibility, and mobilising partnerships for sustained support.

    Looking ahead, the NGF outlines a robust post-launch roadmap. Investment clinics for government-to-government and business-to-government matching are slated for Q3 and Q4 of 2025 and into 2026, alongside capacity-building programs on public-private partnership (PPP) structuring and risk mitigation.

  • Orphaned Shettima, divided presidency and battles ahead

    By

    UGO ONUOHA

    Nigeria’s Vice President, Alhaji Hashim Mohammed Shettima, is an orphan in the ‘emi lo kan’ presidency of Alhaji Bola Ahmed Tinubu. And this is in spite of the Muslim – Muslim reality at the top of the country’s rulership. There were concerns ahead of the 2023 election when same faith presidential ticket was mooted, and subsequently actualised. Adherents of other faith, particularly Christians, were alarmed and took umbrage at the combination. They said it ran against the grain and political convention for pairing candidates for office at the topmost level in our country. They argued that the move was insensitive, coming at a time that the country was consumed and inflamed by allegations of a plot to Islamise Nigeria.

    But the promoters of the combination, the ruling All Progressives Congress [APC] political party, dismissed such concerns, saying that the fear of domination of the country by Islam and Muslims was unfounded and a red herring. They pointed to 1993 when Moshood Abiola and Baba-Gana Kingibe ran on a Muslim – Muslim presidential ticket, and were coasting to victory before the ruling military junta headed by Gen.[rtd] Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida aborted the electoral process and arrested the results which announcements were almost completed. Now late Prof. Humphrey Nwosu was the chairman of the defunct National Electoral Commission [NEC] that conducted that election which is still widely regarded as the freest and most credible polls in the history of the country more than 30 years after. It’s instructive that since 1993, no fewer than seven national elections have been conducted by the successor ‘Independent’ National Electoral Commission [INEC] but none had been acknowledged as free, fair and credible. But this is Nigeria. Life goes on.

    Part of the argument of the advocates of the Muslim- Muslim ticket was that it would bring harmony to the presidency. But people knew that it was driven by the quest to harvest votes in all parts of the north which is alleged to harbour Muslim majority. However, there were some salient issues. In Nigeria we live with, and by labels, and we play identity politics. Shettima was [is] Kanuri, not the usually preferred Fulani. The Fulani are not the majority nation in the north but they dominate political offices in that part of the Nigerian divide. In reality they are minority of minorites, but through subterfuge and conquest, they dominate and control the commanding heights of the politics and economy of that part of our country. Probably, two things may have recommended his choice for the vice presidential candidate position- his Muslim bonafides and the fact that Tinubu would be more comfortable with a stooge as a running mate. In his first life as Lagos state governor from 1999-2007, Tinubu used no less than three deputy governors during his eight years tour of duty. He surely would not want a repeat of that in the presidency, and so had to settle for a malleable figure. Or so he thought. In any case, from the onset, Tinubu had declared even before he acceded to the office that the presidency was about him alone a section of his Yoruba nation. Any other persons would only be meddlesome interlopers, as lawyers would say. So Shettima was, ab initio, a necessary but inconvenient evil.

    We said that much in this space last April 29th. Permit us to rehash excerpts from that intervention. We wrote: ‘Alhaji Mohammed Kashim Shettima is the nominal vice president of Nigeria… It will be immaterial to explain my use of ‘nominal’ for the current vice president. In this context, I really mean the everyday usage of the word. Nominal here means that Shettima as vice president is small and insignificant in amount and degree. He is a token and a symbol, neither substantial nor significant in the scheme of things in the regime of Alhaji Bola Ahmed Tinubu and a section of the Yoruba nation. Shettima speaks well in the context of the low bar set for public speaking in our country… He is said to be intelligent and possibly a public intellectual… And the man, Shettima, who said [that] he would lead the war against insurgents, bandits and Islamist terrorists has become a ghost. He appears like a comet from outer space once in a while’ to do some menial jobs. Under the sole administratorship of Tinubu, Shettima does not count. In fact he does not exist.

    ‘It’s a crying shame that this country spent about N20 billion recently to complete a vice president’s Mansion for a ghost worker. That’s who Shettima [has been]. The other day he strove very hard to dismiss media reports that he was shut out of the presidential villa. Who cares? What’s important is that ghosts are not allowed to roam around, and about freely. Shettima’s situation is pathetic. He is the nominal vice president who’s completely outside the power vortex. He’s an orphan. He is Kanuri. The Kanuri are said to be the creators of Boko Haram [the Islamist insurgent terrorists who have terrorised a swath of the northern region]. He is not part of Tinubu’s kitchen cabinet. He’s a pariah which explains why in spite of the frequent foreign travels of President Tinubu, he has never been allowed to act in the stead of the president. Shettima was even ignored in the innocuous ceremony of inaugurating one nondescript team on the population census when the president, as usual, was away in France’.

    However, Shettima who appears to be bidding his time came back from the dead last week to speak at a book presentation by Mohammed Adoke, attorney -general and minister of justice in the President Goodluck Jonathan administration [2010-2015]. If he is intelligent, and we have no reason to believe otherwise and, if he is a public intellectual, again we have no obvious grounds to doubt his bonafides, then he must have been very conscious of the weight and implications of the words he spoke at the event. He was humorous but he dropped some words for maximum impact. Sometimes in the cause of the event, it would be difficult not to notice he was speaking over the heads of the personalities who were physically present. His audience was elsewhere, and that place was the Aso Rock Villa, the political class, his political party and Nigerians. There was a background to the Shettima fight back. About a month ago, APC stakeholders in Gombe state in the heart of Shettima’s north east region held a meeting where they endorsed Tinubu for a second term and left out Shettima. Hell broke loose. Shettima’s supporters would have none of it and a fight broke out. Days later the presidency confirmed that the exclusion of Shettima was in order. It said that Tinubu will pick his running mate for 2027 after the party’s nomination convention. In other words, Shettima’s place on the ticket is not guaranteed. With his alleged shutting out of the Villa, the non-endorsement in Gombe, the non-committal statement from the presidency which bothered on a disclaimer, the public begging for the retention of Shettima, and the very public lobbying for the position by ranking APC apparatchiks, it’s almost obvious that Shettima will sooner than later be out in the cold.

    So if Shettima will go down as seems to be the case, then he will do so fighting, and on his feet. That probably explained his not too subtle attack on Tinubu last week. On no fewer than three occasions during his speech he threw barbs at his principal. He said no president has the constitutional power to remove an elected state governor, not even an elected local government councillor. Tinubu did that early this year when he suspended the governor of Rivers state and dismantled all democratic structures in that state for six months. He thanked the author and some other senior lawyers for telling then President Jonathan that it would be illegal for him to remove Shettima as then governor of Borno state as he had contemplated. That was also an indictment of Tinubu’s attorney general for allowing the sacking of the Rivers state governor. By the same token Shettima also condemned the national assembly for endorsing Tinubu’s illegal action. He reportedly referred to the Kogi state deputy governor as a ‘bloody deputy’, an inference to how he himself is being treated as vice president. In addition, Shettima categorically described Malam Nasir el-Rufai, a latter-day implacable enemy of Tinubu and an arrowhead of the opposition to Tinubu’s reelection bid, as ‘the game-changer’ [not a game-changer] in the unfolding political scenario. He said el-Rufai cannot be wished away.

    Last Friday an aide to the vice president, Stanley Nkwocha, claimed that Shettima’s speech was misrepresented and mischaracterized by the media, insisting that there was no crack in the presidency. ‘It is disappointing that some media outlets have twisted the Vice President’s speech into a commentary on the recent suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers state. This is a deliberate misreading of Shettima’s remarks and a reckless attempt to stoke division. President Tinubu did not remove Governor Fubara. He was suspended, pending further resolution of the crisis, after due consultation and in strict accordance with constitutional provisions’, the statement read. Well, the journey to the elections of 2027 will be long and tedious for the gladiators.

    Ugo Onuoha, Veteran journalist, was the Managing Director/Editor-in-Chief, Champion Newspapers Limited